Printed copies of this publication, and back issues, can be obtained from:<\/p><\/div>\n
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United Nations<\/i><\/p><\/div>\n\n
Division for Palestinian Rights<\/i><\/p><\/div>\n\n
New York, New York 10017<\/i><\/p><\/div>\n\n
Tel: 212-963-5159<\/i><\/p><\/div>\n\n
Fax: 212-963-4199<\/i><\/p><\/div>\n
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<\/span><\/p>\n
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Remarks by United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on the appointment<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
of the Special Envoy for the Middle East Peace Process<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
Washington D.C., 22 January 2009 <\/p><\/div>\n
\n\t\t\t\t \n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n
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On 22 January 2009, United States President Barack Obama appointed Senator George Mitchell as Special Envoy for the Middle East Peace Process. The following are excerpts from the remarks made by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in the White House during which she introduced Senator Mitchell in his new capacity:<\/i> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
\/… <\/p><\/div>\n
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It’s my great honour to introduce the man who the President and I have asked to be the Special Envoy for Middle East Peace. He will lead our efforts to reinvigorate the process for achieving peace between Israel and its neighbours. He will help us to develop an integrated strategy that defends the security of Israel, work to bring an end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that will result in two States, living side by side in peace and security, and to achieve further agreements to promote peace and security between Israel and its Arab neighbours. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Senator Mitchell will also work to support the objectives that the President and I believe are critical and pressing in Gaza, to develop a programme for humanitarian aid and eventual reconstruction, working with the Palestinian Authority and Israel on behalf of those objectives. <\/p><\/div>\n
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It is a great personal pleasure to introduce George Mitchell, a man who is well known inside this Department and across Washington and America, who has been willing to accept this important assignment. <\/p><\/div>\n
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<\/p><\/div>\n
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European Union memorandum on the Middle East peace process<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
Brussels, 27 February 2009 <\/p><\/div>\n
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Pursuant to the 2003 European Security Strategy stating that the resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict was a priority for Europe, the European Union (EU), on 27 February 2009 adopted a memorandum outlining the European Union’s position on the “final status issues” and its role in support of the Middle East peace process. The text of the memorandum is reproduced below: <\/i><\/p><\/div>\n\n
The Israeli-Palestinian peace process <\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n\n
The EU’s objective is a two-State solution with an independent, democratic, viable Palestinian State, living side-by-side with Israel and its other neighbours. <\/p><\/div>\n
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EU positions on “final status issues” <\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n\n
Borders<\/u>. The EU considers that the future Palestinian State will require secure and recognized borders. These should be based on a withdrawal from the territory occupied in 1967 with minor modifications mutually agreed, if necessary, in accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973), 1397 (2002), 1402 (2002) and 1515 (2003) and the principles of the Madrid Process. <\/p><\/div>\n\n
Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory<\/u>. On 8 December 2008, the EU confirmed its deep concern about accelerated settlement expansion. This expansion prejudges the outcome of final status negotiations and threatens the viability of an agreed two-State solution. The EU considers that settlement building anywhere in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, is illegal under international law. On 20 February 2009, the EU condemned Israel’s planned settlement construction in the vicinity of the Adam settlement, stating that settlement activity calls into question the seriousness of Israel’s commitment to the two-State solution. <\/p><\/div>\n\n
Jerusalem<\/u>. The EU considers that the peace negotiations should include the resolution of all issues surrounding the status of Jerusalem. The EU supports institution-building work in East Jerusalem, notably in the areas of health, education and the judiciary. <\/p><\/div>\n\n
Palestinian refugees<\/u>. The EU supports a just, viable and agreed solution on this question. We will respect an agreement reached between the two parties on this point. Since 1971, the EU has been providing significant support to the work of agencies providing vital services to the Palestinian refugees (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (Ä¢¹½ÊÓÆµRWA)). It is committed to adapting this support as appropriate, in pursuit of a just and equitable solution to the refugee issue. <\/p><\/div>\n\n
Security<\/u>. The EU condemns all acts of violence which cannot be allowed to impede progress towards peace. The EU recognizes Israel’s right to protect its citizens from attacks, but emphasizes that the Israeli Government, in exercising this right, should act within international law. Since 2005, the EU has been involved in supporting the development of a democratic and professional Palestinian police force (see below). <\/p><\/div>\n\n
EU policymaking from the Venice Declaration to the Annapolis Process <\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n\n
The EU has set out its policy on the Middle East in a series of high level public statements. For example, the Venice Declaration of 1980 recognized the right to security and existence for all States in the region, including Israel, and the need to fulfil the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. The Berlin Declaration of 1999 included an explicit commitment to the creation of a Palestinian State. The Seville Declaration of June 2002 introduced specific details of the final status solution, as set out above. <\/p><\/div>\n
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In June 2002, the EU co-sponsored the road map for peace, a three-stage process for achieving these objectives. The road map emphasizes the need for Palestinian institution-building and economic recovery with a view to enhancing the strength and viability of the future Palestinian State. This “state-building process” requires sustained engagement on the part of the international community. It also requires urgent improvement on issues related to freedom of movement in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. The EU has repeatedly called for the immediate freezing of settlement activities and the proactive dismantling of outposts as set out in the road map. <\/p><\/div>\n
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From 2007 onwards, the EU actively supported the Annapolis Process, which committed the Israelis and the Palestinians to implement road map obligations and to reach a peace agreement by the end of 2008. In November 2007, an EU Action Strategy for the Middle East Peace Process was tabled by European Commissioner for External Relations and Neighbourhood Policy, Benita Ferrero-Waldner, and the EU High Representative for the Common and Foreign Security Policy, Javier Solana, setting out a range of ways in which the EU can support the peace process, and the conditions which are necessary for our support to be effective. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Unfortunately, although negotiations took place throughout 2008 in the framework of the Annapolis Process, agreement could not be reached by the agreed deadline. In December 2008, EU Heads of State and Government made a statement stressing that a comprehensive peace in the Middle East remains a top priority for 2009; they praised the Arab Peace Initiative as a basis for regional peace; and called on the new US administration to engage from day one. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Regional peace in the Middle East<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
The EU considers that peace in the Middle East requires a comprehensive solution. <\/p><\/div>\n
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In this regard, the EU welcome the announcement in May 2008 that peace talks between the Syrian Arab Republic and Israel were to resume peace negotiations through Turkish mediation. These indirect talks are currently suspended. <\/p><\/div>\n
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In December 2008, the EU expressed the hope that Lebanon-Israel peace talks would be possible. <\/p><\/div>\n
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The EU had praised the Arab Peace Initiative as a major step forward for the Middle East peace process, since it offers a basis for peaceful and normalized relations between Israel and all 22 members of the Arab League. <\/p><\/div>\n
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In December 2008, the EU called for work to be carried out, notably on the basis of the Arab peace initiative, to deal with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in a comprehensive and operational manner. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Political EU activities in support of the Middle East Peace Process (MEPP)<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
The EU has strong political and economic relations with partners in the region, including Israel, the Palestinian Authority, Lebanon, Egypt and Jordan. These are underpinned by Association Agreement and by European Neighbourhood Policy Action Plans. The EU is currently examining the possibility of concluding a similar agreement with Syria. <\/p><\/div>\n
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The EU’s Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (“Union for the Mediterranean”) serves as a forum for regional dialogue and remains the only multilateral context outside the United Nations where all parties to the conflict can meet and work together on a range of issues. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Along with Russia, the United Nations and the United States, the EU participates in the so-called “Quartet”. Recently, the Quartet has supported the Annapolis process, which includes a specific focus on implementation of the parties’ obligations under the 2002 road map. The EU provides financial and human resources to the Office of the Quartet Representative, Tony Blair. <\/p><\/div>\n
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The “EU Troika”, consisting of Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner, High Representative Solana and the Presidency of the EU, represents the EU at Quartet meetings and conducts dialogue with third countries on the Middle East peace process. In 1996, the Council appointed a Special Representative for the Middle East Peace Process (EUSR). Ambassador Marc Otte has occupied this post since 2003, and he represents the EU in the preparatory meetings for the Quartet. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Alongside regular consultations with our partners in the region, including the Arab League, the EU Foreign Ministers and the European Council issue regular policy statements as part of a coordinated EU policy. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Practical EU activities in support of the MEPP<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
The EU is the largest donor to the Palestinians. In recent years, the combined contribution of the European Commission and EU Member States has reached €1 billion per year, which is not sustainable. Working to lift restrictions on the normal operation of the Palestinian economy, notably movement and access issues, is a priority for the EU. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Our assistance is intended to foster the conditions for peace, stability and prosperity in the region, notably by advancing the Palestinian State-building process, promoting good governance and encouraging economic recovery with a view to enhancing the viability of the future Palestinian State. Examples include: <\/p><\/div>\n
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Humanitarian and emergency response. Due to the situation on the ground, much of the EU’s contribution is channeled in this way. We offer humanitarian and emergency aid through Ä¢¹½ÊÓÆµRWA and our European mechanism for support to Palestinians (PEGASE), providing a vital lifeline to Palestinian families affected by poverty and conflict. <\/p><\/div>\n
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State-building activities. For over a decade, the EU has placed a major focus on empowering the Palestinian Authority through institution-building and governance work. During 2008, the EU has been intensifying these activities, in areas which complement PA plans, for example, health, education and the judiciary. The EU has also contributed to the development of modern and democratic police forces through the European Union Co-ordinating Office for Palestinian Policy Support (EUPOLCOPPS) mission in Ramallah, which provides police training, police equipment and the reconstruction of police, prison and training facilities. EU assistance to the civil police is complemented by wider support for the rule of law, including support for the establishment of an efficient penal and judiciary system. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Palestinian economic activity. The EU has several measures aimed at encouraging the Palestinian private sector including credit guarantees, vocational training and trade facilitation. Unfortunately, at present Palestinian economic activity (and daily life) is limited due to Israeli restrictions on access and movement in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. <\/p><\/div>\n
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The EU’s development assistance is managed in Brussels by the EuropeAid Co-operation Office. The European Commission’s Humanitarian Aid Office (ECHO) oversees humanitarian assistance. Assistance is managed on the ground by the Commission Technical Assistance Office in Jerusalem. Together with the Presidency, the Commission takes a leading role in the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee of international donors to the Palestinian Authority and in international donors' conferences for the peace process, notably the Paris Donors’ Conference of 17 December 2007, where the Commission pledged €440 million to support the Palestinian Authority’s Reform and Development Plan in 2008. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Customs and trade. The EU is active in this area, for example, by providing technological solutions for the swift control of goods passing through the borders of the future Palestinian State, and by supporting the Palestinian Authority’s efforts to develop its trade policy and institutions (such as an agency dealing with customs and border issues). <\/p><\/div>\n
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Border assistance. In November 2005, an EU border assistance mission ("EUBAM Rafah") was established to help ensure international standards at the Rafah crossing between Gaza and Egypt. This mission has been suspended since June 2007, but in December 2008, the EU indicated it was ready to resume its border assistance activities to enable the re-opening of Rafah, in cooperation with Egypt, the Palestinian Authority and Israel. It was also willing to examine the possibility of extending its border assistance to other crossing points in Gaza. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Trilateral dialogues have been organized between the European Commission, Israel and the Palestinian Authority on transport, energy and trade policy. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Civil society activities. The EU’s has consistently supported “people to people” projects. For example, our “Partnership for Peace” programme offers support for local and international civil society initiatives that promote peace, tolerance and non-violence in the Middle East. The objective of this support is to contribute to the rebuilding of confidence within each society and between societies. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Excerpts from the final document issued by the Coordinating Bureau<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
of the Non-Aligned Movement<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
Havana, 27-30 April 2009 <\/p><\/div>\n
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At the conclusion of the meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement, which was held in Havana from 27 to 30 April 2009, the Foreign Ministers of the Non-Aligned Movement members adopted a final document, excerpts from which are reproduced below: <\/i><\/p><\/div>\n\n
\/… <\/p><\/div>\n
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CHAPTER II:<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
REGIONAL AND SUB-REGIONAL POLITICAL ISSUES<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
Middle East<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
Peace Process<\/u> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
177. The Ministers stressed the need for urgent efforts to advance a Middle East peace process based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973), 425 (1978), 1397 (2002), 1515 (2003) and 1850 (2008), the Madrid terms of reference and the principle of land for peace. They rejected attempts to alter the terms of reference of the peace process, including the imposition of unilateral measures and schemes by Israel, the occupying Power, aimed at forcibly and illegally imposing a unilateral solution. They affirmed that such illegal measures including, in particular, the construction and expansion of settlements and the Wall, are totally contradictory to the peace process and must be ceased completely for any resumption of peace negotiations. In this regard, they stressed the need for intensified and coordinated efforts by the international community to promote a genuine peace process as well as to ensure respect for international law, including international humanitarian and human rights law, the key to a peaceful solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Arab-Israeli conflict as a whole. <\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
178. On this basis, the Ministers stressed the need for the resumption, in a timely and appropriate manner, of substantial negotiations between the parties on all tracks of the peace process for the achievement of a comprehensive, just, lasting and peaceful settlement, based on the relevant Ä¢¹½ÊÓÆµ resolutions and in accordance with the rules and principles of international law enshrined therein. In this regard, they reiterated the necessity and urgency of ending the prolonged and unlawful Israeli occupation of all of the Arab territories occupied since 1967. They further reaffirmed their long-standing position in support of the establishment of the independent State of Palestine in all of the Palestinian territory occupied by Israel in 1967, including East Jerusalem as its capital. <\/p><\/div>\n
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179. The Ministers recalled the historic role to be played by and the obligations of the international community, including the Security Council, towards advancing a just and comprehensive peace settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict, as a whole, including the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, <\/strong>and regional stability. They called upon the Quartet, in light of the responsibilities undertaken by its members, to exert serious efforts and actions to support and promote negotiations on all final status issues, including full implementation of the provisions of the road map for a permanent two-State solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. They also called upon the Security Council to engage the Quartet, considering the Council’s Charter authority and responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, and called on the members of the NAM Caucus of the Council to remain active in this regard. <\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
180. The Ministers reaffirmed their support for the Arab Peace Initiative, which was adopted by the XIV Arab Summit in Beirut in March 2002, and welcomed the resolutions of the XXI Arab Summit in Doha in March 2009 which reaffirmed the commitment by all Arab States to the Arab Peace Initiative and stressed that this peace initiative will not remain on the table for long, as stipulated in the documents adopted by the Doha Arab Summit in 2009. <\/p><\/div>\n
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<\/p><\/div>\n
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Remarks by United States President Barack Obama on the Middle East peace process<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
Cairo, 4 June 2009<\/p><\/div>\n
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During his first visit to the Middle East since becoming President of the United States, Barack Obama delivered a speech at Cairo University entitled “A new beginning”. The excerpts of the speech pertaining to the Middle East peace process are reproduced below:<\/i> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
\/… <\/p><\/div>\n
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The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world. <\/p><\/div>\n
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America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed – more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction – or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews – is deeply wrong and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve. <\/p><\/div>\n
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On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people – Muslims and Christians – have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighbouring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations – large and small – that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own. <\/p><\/div>\n
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For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It's easy to point fingers – for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two States, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security. <\/p><\/div>\n
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That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires. The obligations – the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them – and all of us – to live up to our responsibilities. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is claimed; that's how it is surrendered. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist. <\/p><\/div>\n
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At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop. <\/p><\/div>\n
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And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society. Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress. <\/p><\/div>\n
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And finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their State, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past. <\/p><\/div>\n
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America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian State. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer. <\/p><\/div>\n
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\/… <\/p><\/div>\n
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Excerpts from the address by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
at Bar-Ilan University<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
Bar-Ilan, 14 June 2009 <\/p><\/div>\n
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During his visit to Bar-Ilan University, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu gave a speech in which he declared, for the first time, his willingness to accept the two-State solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The excerpts of the speech are reproduced below: <\/i><\/p><\/div>\n\n
\/… <\/p><\/div>\n
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In my vision of peace, in this small land of ours, two peoples live freely, side by side, in amity and mutual respect. Each will have its own flag, its own national anthem, its own government. Neither will threaten the security or survival of the other. These two realities – our connection to the land of Israel, and the Palestinian population living within it – have created deep divisions in Israeli society. But the truth is that we have much more that unites us than divides us. <\/p><\/div>\n
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I have come tonight to give expression to that unity, and to the principles of peace and security on which there is broad agreement within Israeli society. These are the principles that guide our policy. This policy must take into account the international situation that has recently developed. We must recognize this reality and at the same time stand firmly on those principles essential for Israel. <\/p><\/div>\n
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I have already stressed the first principle – recognition. Palestinians must clearly and unambiguously recognize Israel as the State of the Jewish people. <\/p><\/div>\n
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The second principle is: demilitarization. The territory under Palestinian control must be demilitarized with ironclad security provisions for Israel. Without these two conditions, there is a real danger that an armed Palestinian State would emerge that would become another terrorist base against the Jewish State, such as the one in Gaza. We don't want Qassam rockets on Petach Tikva, Grad rockets on Tel Aviv, or missiles on Ben-Gurion airport. We want peace. <\/p><\/div>\n
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In order to achieve peace, we must ensure that Palestinians will not be able to import missiles into their territory, to field an army, to close their airspace to us, or to make pacts with the likes of Hezbollah and Iran. On this point as well, there is wide consensus within Israel. It is impossible to expect us to agree in advance to the principle of a Palestinian State without assurances that this State will be demilitarized. On a matter so critical to the existence of Israel, we must first have our security needs addressed. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Therefore, today we ask our friends in the international community, led by the United States, for what is critical to the security of Israel: Clear commitments that in a future peace agreement, the territory controlled by the Palestinians will be demilitarized: namely, without an army, without control of its airspace, and with effective security measures to prevent weapons smuggling into the territory – real monitoring, and not what occurs in Gaza today. And obviously, the Palestinians will not be able to forge military pacts. Without this, sooner or later, these territories will become another Hamastan. And that we cannot accept. <\/p><\/div>\n
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I told President Obama when I was in Washington, D.C., that if we could agree on the substance, then the terminology would not pose a problem. And here is the substance that I now state clearly: <\/p><\/div>\n
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If we receive this guarantee regarding demilitarization and Israel's security needs, and if the Palestinians recognize Israel as the State of the Jewish people, then we will be ready in a future peace agreement to reach a solution where a demilitarized Palestinian State exists alongside the Jewish State. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Regarding the remaining important issues that will be discussed as part of the final settlement, my positions are known: Israel needs defensible borders, and Jerusalem must remain the united capital of Israel with continued religious freedom for all faiths. The territorial question will be discussed as part of the final peace agreement. In the meantime, we have no intention of building new settlements or of expropriating additional land for existing settlements. <\/p><\/div>\n
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But there is a need to enable the residents to live normal lives, to allow mothers and fathers to raise their children like families elsewhere. The settlers are neither the enemies of the people nor the enemies of peace. Rather, they are an integral part of our people, a principled, pioneering and Zionist public. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Unity among us is essential and will help us achieve reconciliation with our neighbours. That reconciliation must already begin by altering existing realities. I believe that a strong Palestinian economy will strengthen peace. <\/p><\/div>\n
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If the Palestinians turn toward peace – in fighting terror, in strengthening governance and the rule of law, in educating their children for peace and in stopping incitement against Israel – we will do our part in making every effort to facilitate freedom of movement and access, and to enable them to develop their economy. All of this will help us advance a peace treaty between us. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Above all else, the Palestinians must decide between the path of peace and the path of Hamas. The Palestinian Authority will have to establish the rule of law in Gaza and overcome Hamas. Israel will not sit at the negotiating table with terrorists who seek their destruction. Hamas will not even allow the Red Cross to visit our kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit, who has spent three years in captivity, cut off from his parents, his family and his people. We are committed to bringing him home, healthy and safe. <\/p><\/div>\n
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With a Palestinian leadership committed to peace, with the active participation of the Arab world, and the support of the United States and the international community, there is no reason why we cannot achieve a breakthrough to peace. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Our people have already proven that we can do the impossible. Over the past 61 years, while constantly defending our existence, we have performed wonders. <\/p><\/div>\n
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Our microchips are powering the world's computers. Our medicines are treating diseases once considered incurable. Our drip irrigation is bringing arid lands back to life across the globe. And Israeli scientists are expanding the boundaries of human knowledge. If only our neighbors would respond to our call – peace too will be in our reach. <\/p><\/div>\n
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I call on the leaders of the Arab world and on the Palestinian leadership: let us continue together on the path of Menachem Begin and Anwar Sadat, Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein. Let us realize the vision of the prophet Isaiah, who in Jerusalem 2,700 years ago said: "Nations shall not lift up sword against nation, and they shall learn war no more." <\/p><\/div>\n
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With God's help, we will know no more war. We will know peace. <\/p><\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
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<\/p><\/div>\n
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Programme of the Palestinian Authority: “Ending the Occupation, <\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n\n
Establishing the State”<\/strong> <\/p><\/div>\n\n
Ramallah, 21 August 2009 <\/p><\/div>\n
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The programme “Ending the Occupation, Establishing the State”, unveiled by PA Prime Minister Salam Fayyad (also called Fayyad Plan) in August 2009, outlines the vision of the State of Palestine, its foundational principles and national goals. In particular, the plan sets out institutional development priorities and operational instructions for ministries and official bodies, with an overarching aim of pursuing State-building in parallel to peace negotiations. The introduction to the plan is reproduced below: <\/i><\/p><\/div>\n