Excellencies, Distinguished Guests,

I am delighted to welcome you all this evening to the launch of the Framework for the Prevention of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence.

I wish to sincerely thank our guests and steadfast supporters, who join us here this evening. I would also like to express my appreciation to the 23 members of the ĢƵ Action Against Sexual Violence in Conflict network, which I am proud to Chair, for their collective contribution to this innovative framework, and their commitment to work in synergy and common cause to achieve its aims.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We gather here in the shared conviction that it is time to dig deeper and unearth the root causes of conflict-related sexual violence, and in their place, sow the seeds of prevention and change. The earlier and deeper these seeds are sown, the greater the chance that they will take hold and bear fruit. We can only ever expect to “reap what we sow”, and regrettably, many trendlines are moving in the wrong direction – feeding the flames of violence, rather than preparing the ground for gender equality and peace. For instance, we are seeing runaway military spending; arms proliferation; the spread of armed groups and mercenaries; shrinking civic space; reprisals against women in public life; misogynistic hate speech, incitement, and extremist ideology, including in the relatively ungoverned digital space; record levels of displacement; and an epidemic of coups and military takeovers, which have turned back the clock on women’s rights. As the framework before us affirms, wartime sexual violence occurs at the intersection of armed hostilities and gender-based discrimination, and results from dynamics specific to both.

Accordingly, the framework is equally focused on structural and operational prevention. Structural prevention includes addressing gender inequality as the root cause and invisible driver of sexual violence, in times of war and peace. This entails fostering the resilience of those at risk, and recognizing the nexus between economic and physical security. Operational prevention includes risk-mitigation measures and early action in response to early-warning signs. For too long, we have been locked in reactive mode, only addressing these atrocities after patterns have been verified. This framework reminds us that hard data is not a pre-requisite for precautionary measures and the pre-positioning of essential services. If we wait for perfect prevalence data, it will always be too late. We must act as soon as the red flag is raised. Yet, these signals are too often missed or dismissed because the voices of women in the path of violence are not taken seriously by security stakeholders.

Since 2008, a series of Security Council resolutions have demanded zero tolerance and credible consequences for these crimes. These resolutions ushered in a paradigm shift from viewing sexual violence as an inevitable tragedy, to addressing it as a preventable threat. They signaled that the survivors could no longer be sidelined from security policy, as second-class victims of second-class crimes. Cumulatively, they represent a political commitment to bring the full repertoire of diplomatic tools to bear to raise the cost of what has long been considered the “cheapest weapon of war”. To this end, sanctions must work in tandem with judicial accountability, to ensure that perpetrators and their financial backers have no “safe haven” or hiding place. To prevent the recurrence of these atrocities, we must replace impunity with unity. Whether they are rank-and-file foot soldiers or military commanders; whether they are civil servants merely following orders or political leaders giving them, every party must be answerable for their actions. Even the sound of bombs and shelling cannot drown out the demands of the law. Prosecution can be a form of prevention, with institutions like the International Criminal Court casting a long shadow over the calculations and conduct of belligerents. Conversely, amnesty and immunity embolden the perpetrators, equating to “license to rape”. Too many peace and ceasefire agreements remain silent on these crimes. Reintegration support for survivors and their dependents is too often a missing link in peacebuilding and recovery efforts, which should aim to restore social cohesion, and “leave no one behind”. The ancient trilogy of wartime terror – looting, pillage, and rape – which should have been relegated to history, thus remains in our daily headlines.

The founding vision of the ĢƵ Action network was to bring together security, peacekeeping, political, and human rights actors, alongside humanitarian responders and programmatic gender-based violence specialists, for a comprehensive approach. This includes upstream preventive diplomacy, as well as downstream service-delivery. In the same spirit, the framework we are launching today aims to leverage the comparative advantage and expertise of each ĢƵ Action entity, working in concert with Governments, civil society, researchers, faith leaders, the private sector, and of course survivors themselves. In this respect, the framework articulates a two-track approach, namely, to prevent sexual violence in the first instance, and to mitigate the secondary harms that arise in its wake. Compliance with existing norms of international humanitarian and human rights law is the most effective form of primary prevention. That is why I have emphasized the importance of moving from commitments to compliance, and from resolutions to real-time, real-world results. Secondary harms can also be prevented through assistance that is survivor-centered, rights-based, and trauma-informed, enabling survivors to rebuild their lives and livelihoods, and, ultimately, replace horror with healing and hope.

In terms of the way forward, prevention must permeate every step we take, including political advocacy; justice and security sector reform; disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration efforts; and community violence reduction initiatives. With the right combination of incentives, disincentives, and norms that are known, understood, and enforced, prevention is possible. I dedicate this framework to the survivors I have met in warzones around the world, whose voices and farsighted recommendations are still too rarely heard in the halls of decision-making and the corridors of power. Survivors from a range of contexts have repeatedly told me: “What happened to me could have been prevented”, and “No one else should have to suffer as I did”.

With these words in mind, I urge each of you to consider how you can contribute – within your respective roles, organizations, and spheres of influence – to translating the insights of this framework into tangible prevention practice. Only then will we realize our ultimate aim of “saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war”, including its most intimate and enduring atrocity, the scourge of wartime rape.

Thank you.