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Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,ÌýÌý

Allow me to start by thanking the Governments of Estonia, Iceland, and Liechtenstein for hosting this important panel on the need to provide remedies and rehabilitation in the wake of atrocity crimes, and for the opportunity to share the perspective of my mandate on conflict-related sexual violence. I am grateful for Deputy Minister Anna Jóhannsdóttir remarks this afternoon and the reaffirmation of Iceland’s commitment to tackle core international crimes. I am also thankful to Estonia for its political and financial support to my office and its Team of Experts on the Rule of Law and Sexual Violence in Conflict, which works to strengthen institutional safeguards against impunity for these crimes. And I of course wish to commend Liechtenstein for its leadership as a steadfast champion of the cause of accountability and the Rule of Law, as a foundation for international security, inclusive peace, and sustainable development.ÌýÌý

Sexual violence is history’s oldest, cheapest, and most effective tactic of war and terror, primarily targeting women and girls, but also gravely affecting men and boys, particularly in contexts of detention and interrogation. It is an act that is not only designed to rob victims of their agency and dignity, but also to leave enduring physical, psychological, and social scars. When used as a tactic of war and terror, sexual violence targets not only the individual, but their families, communities, and even nations as a whole, often leading to generational trauma. Many survivors are silenced by well-founded fears of reprisals and retaliation, by the limited availability of support services, and by the misplaced blame, shame and stigma that is borne by the victims, rather than the perpetrators. This has led to conflict-related sexual violence being called ‘history’s greatest silence’ and the ‘world’s least-condemned crime of war’. It has been seen through the prism of cultural taboos as unspeakable, unprintable, and therefore unable to be punished.ÌýÌý

In response, the international community has built a robust normative framework, including the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action; the statutes and jurisprudence of the ad hoc international criminal tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, as well as hybrid courts and tribunals, notably the Extraordinary Chambers for the Courts of Cambodia, and the Special Court for Sierra Leone; the 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court; and a dedicated series of Security Council resolutions on Women, Peace and Security since the year 2000, and on Conflict-Related Sexual Violence since 2008. Globally, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women is instrumental in safeguarding women’s rights to equality and lives free from violence, with the CEDAW Committee’s General Recommendations 19 (1992) and 35 (2017) addressing sexual and gender-based violence, and General Recommendation 30 (2013) underscoring the application of these norms to conflict prevention, conflict, and post-conflict situations. Additionally, a range of regional instruments have introduced positive obligations to prevent and address these crimes, such as the Maputo Protocol, the ICGLR Protocol, the Istanbul Convention, and the Inter-American Convention, with the legal standards overseen by regional monitoring bodies and mechanisms.ÌýÌý

The normative framework is thus clear, and the prohibition on all forms of sexual violence is categorical, in times of war and peace alike. As a crime of international concern, that can constitute a self-standing war crime, crime against humanity, and/or constituent act of genocide, the perpetrators must be either extradited or prosecuted in accordance with due process of law, and survivor-centered rules of procedure and evidence, including protection for victims and witnesses, and access to reparations and redress, must be in place. Yet, tragically, at this time of great global turbulence, marked by the highest number of conflicts since the Second World War, record levels of forced displacement, increasing militarization, and an epidemic of coups and unconstitutional seizures of power, these crimes persist, and indeed the trendlines continue to worsen. The latest annual Report of the Secretary-General on Conflict-Related Sexual Violence, compiled by my Office, includes twenty situations of concern, where this crime has been reported and verified by the United Nations, and lists 49 parties to armed conflict that are credibly suspected of committing or being responsible for patterns of rape or other forms of sexual violence in situations of armed conflict on the agenda of the Security Council. Despite numerous thematic and country-specific resolutions calling for Women’s Protection Advisers, out of the 20 countries featured in the report only eight currently have this dedicated, frontline capacity, and nowhere is the level of human or financial resources equal to the scale of the challenge.ÌýÌý

At the same time, new threats have emerged, including from the largely ungoverned digital space; from the array of new battlefield actors, such as mercenaries, private military and security companies, and proxy forces, which complicate attribution and accountability; and from climate-driven displacement and insecurity, which have exacerbated competition for scarce resources, increasing intercommunal violence, including sexual violence. Instead of delivering justice and accountability for survivors, there is a risk that their plight and rights will be eclipsed beneath the shadow of deepening and proliferating global crises.ÌýÌý

As Ms. Neimat Ahmadi, who leads the Darfur Women Action Group, will no doubt bring into focus on this panel, we must ask ourselves: after twenty years of violence in Darfur, what do all these resolutions, treaties, and instruments mean in practice? How have they brought remedies or reparations to Sudanese women, including those who bravely stood up for democracy, and are now, once again, under assault by armed groups?Ìý

Sadly, the unbroken cycles of violence in Sudan are not unique globally. From Ethiopia, to Myanmar, Haiti, South Sudan, and elsewhere, our challenge is to translate international commitments, made in New York, Geneva, and The Hague, into action on the ground that improves the lives and wellbeing of survivors and those at risk. In this regard, we are compelled to acknowledge that sexual violence is not a ‘niche issue’ that can be viewed separately from macro-level geopolitical developments, such as conflicts and military coups, which are turning the clock further and further back on women’s rights, and leaving survivors further and further behind.ÌýÌýÌý

States bear the primary responsibility to protect their citizens, and this includes protection from, and effective remedies for crimes of conflict-related sexual violence. However, conflict takes a toll on the very institutions that are supposed to deliver justice, protection, and redress. To build public trust and confidence in national institutions, we must make a greater investment in strengthening their capacity to investigate and prosecute sexual violence crimes in a way that is trauma-informed and survivor-centered, as a critical step on the path to peace and reconciliation. .ÌýÌý

Over the past decade, we have seen that where there is political will, specialized expertise, and adequate resources, there can be effective national adjudication of these crimes. In Guinea-Conakry, for example, a former Head of State and 10 other senior officials are standing trial before domestic courts for crimes of sexual violence committed as part of the repertoire of political repression, aimed to suppress a pro-democracy rally in 2009. Last month, the Special Jurisdiction for Peace in Colombia opened a dedicated case on sexual and gender-based violence, reproductive violence, and related crimes committed during the armed conflict (known as ‘Macro Case 11’). Likewise, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Central African Republic, domestic and hybrid courts have adjudicated cases of sexual violence as international crimes. Finally, in 2022 in Nigeria, conflict-related sexual violence was included for the first time ever in an indictment against Boko Haram, contributing to evolving understanding and jurisprudence on sexual violence as a tactic of terrorism.Ìý

As we speak, the crisis in Ukraine continues to deteriorate, with mounting numbers of casualties, refugees, and people on the move inside the country. Efforts have been made to support effective investigation, prosecution, and adjudication from the onset of the conflict before the evidence trail goes cold. In July 2022, the Governments of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and others, sent a strong signal when they declared an intention to launch universal jurisdiction cases of war crimes resulting from the military invasion of Ukraine. This is in addition to the 43 States Parties that referred the situation to the International Criminal Court in April 2022.ÌýÌý

Where national governments are unwilling or unable to prosecute crimes of conflict-related sexual violence, we must use every international forum available to bring perpetrators to justice and grant victims their day in court.ÌýÌý

However, our objective must always be to deliver justice, not just law. A safe and supportive environment is foundational to enabling survivors to come forward and report crimes. Security Council resolution 2467 of 2019 calls for a holistic, survivor-centered approach to our work. Sexual violence attacks the physical integrity and agency of survivors. The goal must therefore be to empower them at every step, from accessing services, to reporting and testifying in court, to applying for reparations. Basic needs, such as safe shelter, food, medical care, trauma counselling, and psychosocial support are necessary, as well as livelihood and reintegration assistance. Often grassroots service providers and frontline civil society groups provide essential referral pathways that enable survivors to access remedies and rehabilitation.ÌýÌý

Delivering justice, not just law, requires us to make use of the full range of transitional justice measures, such as reparations, truth-telling, and guarantees of non-recurrence, to ensure that the promise of ‘never again’ does not ring hollow. That is why we need to support the goals of the International Criminal Court’s Trust Fund for Victims and build the capacity of national authorities to establish and administer their own reparations programmes, as my mandate is doing in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, and Ukraine. Adequate material assistance, including in the form of reparations and compensation, can double as a form of protection, in terms of reducing exposure to risk and exploitation. This is especially true given the ‘feminization of poverty’, and the link between women’s physical security and economic and food security.ÌýÌý

 

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,ÌýÌý

Every year that I have served as Special Representative, the number of States requesting our assistance has increased, and the geographical scope of the mandate has expanded. And yet, the level of human and financial resources allocated to this agenda has not kept pace. United action in this area will show survivors that their lives matter, and will signal to perpetrators – past and potential – that the world is watching. In terms of the way forward, we must continue to support gender-responsive justice and security sector reform; to strengthen holistic, multi-sectoral services; to curtail the flow of small arms and light weapons; and to scale-up diplomatic engagements to address sexual violence in ceasefire and peace agreements. While the consistent, rigorous prosecution of these crimes can translate into deterrence, lack of political will to enforce the law sends the opposite signal, emboldening perpetrators and demoralizing survivors, by implying it is futile, and even dangerous, to report. Unpunished crime is repeated crime. And we know that sexual violence offences have the highest global rates of impunity and recidivism.ÌýÌý

During the recent United Nations General Assembly, my Office convened an event focused on strengthening each link in the justice chain, from safe and ethical documentation at point of service-delivery, including the collection of medical and forensic evidence, to investigation, law enforcement, prosecution, corrections, compensation, remedies, and reintegration support. The justice chain is only as strong as its weakest link. We must therefore mobilize concerted, multi-stakeholder action to replace impunity with unity. This begins with breaking the chains of silence and denial that have sentenced survivors to life-long trauma, fear, and ostracism, while the perpetrators walk free.ÌýÌý

Where there is political will, backed by credible, capable national institutions, meaningful change is possible. By building effective systems, and fostering synergy of action, we can create an environment that both inhibits sexual violence in the first instance, and enables survivors to safely report and seek redress and rehabilitation in its wake.ÌýÌý

As we look toward the fifteen-year anniversary of my mandate in 2024, we must recall that survivors need more than our solidarity; they need tangible support in the form of comprehensive services, justice, and socioeconomic reintegration. I will continue, in my advocacy role, to galvanize the international community to give this cause the attention and investment it deserves, including significant investment in structural prevention to foster an environment in which no military or political leader is above the law, and no civilian is beneath the scope of its protection. Together, we must speed-up and scale-up efforts to deliver redress to survivors, in order to replace the stories of horror and heartache, with genuine prospects for healing and hope.Ìý

Thank you.ÌýÌý